By Raja Iskandar Bin Raja Halid
Introduction
In Malay society, the nobat orchestra is a symbol of a Sultan’s status and sovereignty, and forms part of the treasured royal regalia of the state. At present there are five nobat ensembles that are still active, four in the states of Kedah, Perak, Selangor and Terengganu in Peninsula Malaysia and one in Brunei, a sovereign country sandwiched between the two East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak. No Malay Sultan in these states is officially installed unless he is ceremoniously drummed to the sounds of the nobat. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong (literally ‘the Paramount Ruler”), a position rotated every five years among the nine Malay rulers, is also ditabalkan (installed) using the nobat. [1] A basic nobat ensemble consists of a nengkara (kettledrum), a pair of gendang (double headed drums), a nafiri (long silver horn) and serunai (quadruple reed shawm). In Kedah and
The Perak sultanate is one of the oldest in
Musicians of the Perak nobat are called orang kalur or orang kalo and hereditary in nature. Hereditary musicians are common in many parts of the world; there are the ‘Klezmer’ Jews and Gypsies of Eastern Europe, the Griots of West Africa and the Manganiyars of Western Rajasthan,
In the Perak court, other than the Sultan and his family, the nobat instruments can only be handled and played by this ancient Malay family. Numerous cases of illness or deaths were believed to have been attributed to the touching or playing of the instruments by those who are not from the orang kalur lineage (Linehan 1951, Raja Nor Sheela 1987, Skeat 2004). One similar story was told by a retired serunai player which involved a nobat musician who mysteriously went blind after playing one of the instruments. It was later found out that he was not a true blood orang kalur but came from tanah (earth), signifying matrilineal lineage (Hj. Lop Zahari [5] , personal interview, November 24, 2006). Also known as orang muntah lembu (people of the bull’s vomit), the orang kalur have gone through numerous stages of transformation which involved their functions and status in the history of the Malay sultanate.
History
According to Linehan (1951), the word kalur or kalau (as he spelled it) probably came from the Malay word susur galur which means “going back to the origins” or “pedigree” and orang kalur was thus translated as “men who have to do with genealogies.” Sheppard (1983) speculates that they were probably keepers of the royal family records. [6] This is similar to the mirasis of
In Perak, besides being royal musicians, the orang kalur also serves as Toh Seri Nara Diraja or the chief herald of the palace. Toh Seri Nara Diraja is considered a ‘higher’ and ‘purer’ orang kalur who plays a crucial role in court ceremonies. In an interview with Raja Kobat Salehuddin [8] , the late Allahyarham Toh Seri
The orang kalur admitted, although rather reticently, that they are the descendants of the orang muntah lembu, although Wilkinson (2008) thought they were two separate families. [13] They are at lost on how to explain their ancestry and in this modern world, this claim may seem absurd. The term muntah lembu was derived from the story of the miraculous appearance of a herald named Bat from the foam that flowed out of the mouth of a bull ridden by Nila Pahlawan, Kerisyna Pendita and Nila Utama. The appearance of these princes of Raja Suran in Bukit Saguntang,
“Maka dengan takdir Allah taala lembu kenaikan baginda itupun muntahkan buih, maka keluarlah daripada buih itu seorang manusia laki-laki dinamai Bat dan destarnya terlalu besar” [14]
Although Sejarah Melayu was written by a Muslim during a period of Malay Muslim dominance, there are still strong Hindu elements and influences in his writing. Sejarah Melayu artfully interweaves Hindu beliefs and myths in its narration while at the same time comfortably cloaked in Islamic garb. A bull is considered sacred by Hindus, especially a white one. Known as Nandi, this white bull is a loyal servant and ride of Lord Siva; and symbolizes truth, justice and manhood. Hindus believe cows were responsible for the birth of the first human and everything that they produce is considered sacred, including milk and excrement. [15]
When Sejarah Melayu tells the story of the ‘birth’ of a man named Bat from the vomit of a bull, it actually symbolizes the sacrosanct and important nature of the person. As A. Ghani Ismail puts it:
Muntah Lembu! The Bull’s Vomit was yet another matrix from which the celestial rose through Nature in a human form. Malay princes and princesses had emerged from the Buluh Betong (a species of bamboo). The royal household of Champa had begun from a boy found inside a bunch of areca-nuts. It was about notifying the people to respect the special space distancing the royal and priestly from the common, even more imaginative than using a spacecraft from Krypton from where Superman had come to planet Earth. The blood of Malay royalty was white. It must have been awesome. Adat needed that intervention of the supernatural to root. [16]
Bat was the first to read the ciri (proclamation) and had the authority to install Sang Sapurba as Taramberi Teribuana, considered the first ruler of the Malay sultanates.
“Syahdan, maka raja itupun digelar oleh Bat itu Sang Sapurba Taramberi Teribuana. Adapun Bat itulah daripadanya anak cucunya asal orang yang membaca ciri dahulukala. Maka Nila Pahlawan dan Kerisyna Pandita pun dikahwinkan Bat dengan Wan Empuk dan Wan Malini; [17]
Bat or Batala and his descendants are most likely Brahmin priests employed by the courts of Srivijaya in
The orang kalur could also be descendents of suku asli (indigenous peoples) tribes of Sumatera, such as the Suku Petalangan and Orang Talang Mamak. Singo Bono, a clan of the Suku Petalangan, was once entrusted by the rulers of Kampar to play the nobat during installation ceremonies. The Suku Petalangan were also sought after for their healing and shamanic practices. In return for their loyalty and services, the Suku Petalangan occupied high positions and honour in the kingdom. [19] The semi-nomadic Orang Talang Mamak were the only people allowed to play the nobat instruments of the Indragiri court in Rengat. [20] There are also stories told by at least one orang asli tribe in
When Srivijaya started to weaken and losing its sovereignty to Majapahit, a prince named Parameswara moved to Temasek (now
During the reign of Sultan Muhammad Shah (1414-1444), the third Sultan of Melaka, a new post was created which involved the orang kalur. According to the Sejarah Melayu:
“Adapun Seri Bija Diraja itu sedia asal Melayu, Tun Hamzah namanya, asalnya daripada Muntah Lembu; dipanggil orang Datuk Bungkuk.” [22]
Today, Seri Nara Diraja is one of the posts that have been maintained since the Melaka Sultanate although its duties have somehow changed. Although there is no Seri Bija Diraja in Perak, his lineage continues through Seri Nara Diraja, who, according to the late Allahyarham Toh Seri Nara Diraja Nong bin Chik followed Sultan Muzaffar Shah to Perak in 1528. He further stated that players of the Perak nobat, which are also orang kalur, however came directly from Melaka. According to Raja Kobat Salehuddin, intermarriages occurred between these two ‘classes’ of orang kalur over the years. Today, many orang kalur have moved out of their kampongs in Perak and are found all over the country. Many are highly educated with some holding high positions in the government. According to Toh Setia Guna Abdul Aziz [23] , there are about seven families of orang kalur left in Pulau Tiga, Perak (personal interview, December 24, 2006). Most of them are involved in agriculture and small cottage industries.
Training
Since most of the musicians are sons of nobat players themselves, knowledge inevitably came from their fathers. However, Encik Abdul Aziz claims that although some players have thirty years of playing experience behind them, their skills are not necessarily passed down to their sons. He further complains that some even expect to be recruited as a nobat musician based merely on lineage and influence of their fathers (personal interview, December 24, 2006). Since a nobat player is accorded a fixed monthly income and pension, not to mention the honour and prestige that accompany it, it is hardly surprising that the job is hotly contested among young orang kalur and jealously guarded within a small family circle.
Learning starts at home, beginning with the basic rhythms of each of the 16 ragam or songs. Nengkara parts are taught first as it determines the tempo and carries the main rhythm of a song. These rhythms are first tapped on a table using fingers before actual instruments are used. The mnemonic ‘tik’ and ‘tam’ are used to represent the striking left and right hand. Once the nengkara rhythms are memorized, the melalu becomes easy since both plays in unison. Next came the peningkah, which plays interlocking rhythms with the other two drums and clearly the most complicated. This is probably the reason why the peningkah players are only those closely related to Abdul Aziz – his brother and son – since more time is needed to train them. However, by the time they are employed, only less than half of the repertoire is memorized. Young boys are also occasionally exposed to performances and sometimes allowed to try out the instruments as Encik Azini, one of the serunai players recalls: “I used to follow my father and even played with the group before I was officially employed” (personal interview, November 24, 2006).
Saka
Among rural Malays there is still a strong belief in guardian spirits called saka baka or simply saka. Also known as hantu pusaka, these spirits or jin are said to ‘guard’ or ‘look after’ families and is associated with a particular ilmu (knowledge) that is passed down from generation to generation. Saka is also known to help its ‘owner’ gain extraordinary physical strength, public influence, beauty and to instil fear in people’s hearts. Ilmu pusaka (inherited knowledge) allows the willing or unwitting (a person may unknowingly inherit a saka) successor to perform healing rituals, fortunetelling or silat (traditional Malay martial art) without really learning from anyone. When the Pawang Diraja (Royal Shaman) was asked where and when did he acquired his skills, the most powerful shaman in the state of Perak hesitantly answered that he didn’t really learn from anyone (R. Muhammad, personal interview, March 14, 2007). It’s hard to believe executing a job of his nature without proper training and knowledge, like a physician without going through medical school. Together with Toh Seri Nara Diraja and Toh Setia Guna, they are important figures in the running of royal istiadat at the
Mak Yong practitioners in Kelantan and
Saka is inherited either knowingly or unknowingly. A son may express his willingness to accept a saka from his father and from that moment on, he owns one. Saka is also unsuspectingly inherited when accepting certain physical objects such as keris, lembing (spear) or musical instruments. Once inherited, the new ‘owner’ is thus guided by the saka (usually through dreams or strange happenings) on certain rituals to be performed or taboos avoided. For example, a disturbance was reported in the Nobat Room of the
Saka is also said to ‘guide’ musicians during a performance. A player from the Selangor nobat recalls how he was ‘guided’ while playing the serunai and felt that he had lost control over the instrument (Hj. Lop Zahari, personal interview, November 24, 2006). The grandness and ‘eeriness’ of nobat’s music is often ascribed to the presence and guidance of the saka during the performances. This in turn is a manifestation of the saka’s strength and the Sultan’s daulat. The royal saka or state guardian genies are believed to inhibit the nobat instruments and other state regalia. In the old days, offerings were made to these instruments (or the spirits dwelling in them) in order to ‘please’ them and maintain a healthy ‘working relationship’ that would enable the state to be smoothly governed and protected. Like the Toba Batak of
The nobat orchestra, led by the Pawang Diraja, was also used in sacrificial ceremonies to cast away evil spirits and conciliate with the good ones. These elaborate rituals called pelas were done triennially under the commandment of the royal saka or spirits of the state to ensure good crop yields. Since the spirits of the districts are believed to be subservient to the spirits of the state, the Pawang Diraja himself was called upon to preside over the ceremonies. Seven rafts, which included among others, a slaughtered buffalo and the nobat orchestra, were floated downstream while the spirits of the districts passed were invoked to come and savour the feast. [27] The involvement of the nobat orchestra and the orang kalur in these ceremonies showed their importance in ensuring the wellbeing of the state. However, these elaborate rituals are no longer practiced today, except for the memulih alat (restoring the royal regalia), which is performed yearly and, clandestinely.
Being a Royal Musician
The author remembers coming across a photograph of arwah Pak Hamzah [28] with his group taken somewhere in
On the contrary, the nobat orchestra of Perak may never get the chance to even perform outside of the state, let alone doing a tour of
For a nobat musician, except for a monthly salary, pension and probably a pingat (medal) if he ascends to the post of Toh Setia Guna, chances are, throughout his entire career, he will never hear a single clap from the audience. There will be no one coming over to the Balai Nobat after a performance to say “I love your second piece” or “great gendang improvisation.” Although the ‘other half’ of the bargain is missing, it does not in any way diminish their love and will towards their job. This lack of public appraisal may not be responsible for their lackadaisical attitude and restrictive behaviour that shape the music, the inherent beliefs and taboos observed by the orang kalur, together with the nature and function of nobat music too play a part.
Professional musicians are often viewed with disdain in society. Merriam (1964) talks at length about the behaviour of musicians and how in certain society such as the Basongye of Africa considers them as “lazy, heavy drinkers, debtors, impotents, physical weaklings, adulterers, and poor marriage risks.” [30] This negative perception towards professional musicians is not without basis, from Africa to the
Loyalty and Responsibility
The author was privileged enough to have witnessed performances by both Pak Hamzah and Pak Aziz with their respective groups. Although similar in many ways, wayang kulit and nobat are poles apart in terms of the musicians’ behaviour towards their performances. You won’t find the trance-like fashion in which Pak Nasir improvises his gendang or the smiling face of Pak Ismail while playing the gong in Pak Hamzah’s wayang kulit shows, in Pak Aziz’s nobat performances. One is playing to entertain and the other plays to serve a much higher purpose – to serve a Sultan. More is at stake for nobat players because the wellbeing, honour and sanctity of the Sultan and State rest on their shoulders.
The Malays are known for the loyalty towards the Sultan or ruler, or any other orang besar (dignitaries). It is deeply enshrined in their psyche the concept of setia (loyalty) and derhaka (rebel or act of disobedience) through centuries of feudal rule influenced by the devaraja concept introduced by the Hindus. Wilkinson (1971) describes the Malay idea of loyalty:
It was a strange sentiment, this loyalty of the old Malays. A man might murder a hero or a saint, or betray a relative or friend, or abduct an innocent girl: if he did it in the interest of a royal intrigue, it was a noble act of self-sacrifice according to his ethical code. [32]
The orang kalur is the archetypical model of Malay loyalty of the Sultan. As loyal servants, they strictly abide by the rules and regulations of the palace pertaining to the performance of the nobat. They have to function like clock-work in every istiadat, both official and unofficial. However, they go beyond the master-slave relationship typical of any servant of the court. In fact, they are the court. The orang kalur is part and parcel of the institution that determines the validity and sanctity of the Sultan. Without them, the Sultan simply does not exist! They pride themselves as being both the ‘elder brother’ of the Sultan and the herald entrusted to install the first Malay king at Bukit Siguntang, Sumatera. One of the players proudly remarked that his relatives were allowed to venture into the
Being part of ‘royalty,’ they have to behave like royalty, as shown in the manner in which nobat is played – stately and controlled. As one of the main ‘actors’ in a ‘theater production’ called the istiadat, the nobat orchestra has to strictly follow and act upon the given ‘scripts’ and rehearsed gestures. It has to abide by the orderliness of the whole spectacle of wealth and power, of grace and divinity, manifested in the elaborate palace istiadat. The players wear finely tailored baju melayu, samping and tengkolok, directly facing the royal dais in a well balanced and symmetrical sitting and standing positions. They play with a level of seriousness and finesse depicting the ‘elevated’ realm they are in. As orang kalur, they are duty-bound to carry on with the tradition of playing for the Sultan, it’s not a matter of choice or whether they really enjoy playing (as a matter of fact, some of them do) but about upholding the family honour and trust bestowed upon them by the palace.
They are keepers of tradition. One early morning of Eid il-Adha, the nobat ensemble played in front of the Sultan’s room at the palace. Traditionally this was done to ‘wake’ the Sultan, accompanying his morning bath while ushering in the auspicious day. On that day however, the Sultan was away and there was nobody in the room. The same thing happens when the nobat is played in the Balai Nobat, instead of the rooftop of the palace when signalling the coming of Ramadan and the two Eid – the intended audience was not there. According to Toh Setia Guna Abdul Aziz, this has to be done “seperti yang dulu-dulu” (like before) just to continue with the tradition although it may look unnecessary or even absurd (personal interview, December 30, 2006). The orang kalur see themselves as not mere court musicians but also important keepers of this tradition. The sounds of the nobat must be heard no matter what, even if it is only among the orang kalur since adat must be kept alive. This religious-like obedience and execution of tradition is closely related to the concept of daulat, where any form of disloyalty is considered derhaka and may result in ‘divine wrath’ or tulah. Like the strict adherence of adat perpatih in Negeri Sembilan, it’s not just the result of the carrying out of the adat that matters but the impending consequences of its discontinuity that is more worrying.
Influence on the Music
The loyalty of the orang kalur and strict adherence to the rules of the palace has an effect on the music of the nobat. Practice sessions are very seldom done at the palace since they are not allowed to roam freely there. Although traditionally the musicians practice at the Toh Setia Guna’s house in Kg. Tanjung Bidara, Pulau Tiga, but this is rarely done lately due to logistical reasons. The only time when they can get together and practice is during unofficial ceremonies, such as the signalling of the coming of Ramadan, Eid-al Fitr and Eid-al Adha. This lack of practice resulted in many of the players (some with more than ten years’ experience) not being able to master the repertoire. This is further aggravated by the fact that only certain selected lagu are played, even during unofficial ceremonies. Questions were also raised as to whether this is done on purpose (lack of practice at the palace) to keep the knowledge within a particular group of musicians (or a particular branch of the family), since one of the criteria for promotion is based on the ability of a player to master the repertoire (Shariffudin, personal interview, March 16, 2007). Even if there is a practice of nepotism, it is not bearing any fruit since none of the members of the present orchestra (other than the Toh Setia Guna) are fit to fill in the two top posts, including the most senior ones. Recently, there have been suggestions from the Sultan’s office that the orchestra practices at least once a month at the palace.
The music of the Perak nobat mirrors the subservient nature of the orang kalur towards not only their natural environment but more importantly their master – the Sultan. Their loyalty and strict adherence to tradition hinder them from exploring beyond the existing musical boundaries set by their forefathers. Any transgression may constitute an act of derhaka towards the Sultan which will in turn incur tulah. The absence of a standard or point of reference for the orchestra to gauge and improve their performance could be a reason for this state of musical inertia. There is no competition and audience response or appraisal to instigate a heightened state of musicianship and virtuosity. Another aspect is their reliance on saka as a source of guidance and inspiration, which in turn makes them rather lackadaisical and complacent. As long as this status quo is maintained, the music of the Perak nobat will remain as it is for many more generations to come.
Nevertheless, despite the ostensibly monotonous nature of its presentation, the music of the Perak nobat demonstrates a high degree of complexity in its organization. Behind this façade of uniformity and stillness, there are variations and elaborateness, quite different from other typical Malay traditional music such as wayang kulit or mak yong. The polyphonic nature of the music reflects both egalitarian and hierarchical social stratification utilized in its layering, yet, with an addition of a free, detached role played by the serunai. The interlocking ostinato parts of the two gendang embody the nature of traditional Malay social relations based on mutual cooperation and understanding. The nengkara signifies the sole ruler of a higher status, signalling the start and end of a piece, setting the tempo while leading and overseeing the orchestra. Although virtually trapped in time, oblivious of its changing environment, the music is ‘unconventional’ in many ways, especially the use of a variation of beat lengths and rhythms in the pieces. The Sultan’s divinely sanctioned rule and authority is also aesthetically manifested in the uniformity, orderliness and symmetry in the arrangements of the music.
Epilogue
Tradition – although many would like to think on the contrary – is constantly evolving; and through this process of evolution that it maintains its viability through time. The gamelan progresses with new compositions and arrangements, while new and more contemporary stories are imbued into wayang kulit performances. Both succumbs to the changing aesthetic needs of the audience, while still maintaining whatever that have been inherited. As a traditionally transmitted art form, nobat too evolves through time; however changes were made not due to pressure from audiences but through palace instructions. Although it is highly unlikely that nobat would be totally discarded in the near future, some of its uses and functions certainly will. In this regard, it is imperative that studies are conducted, in the hope that by studying and documenting the Perak nobat, will help to preserve this priceless heritage.
Today, only a handful of players in the ensemble memorize the whole repertoire, and there are contradictions among them as to the nature of their music. Information on the history and genealogy of the orang kalur is virtually nonexistent. Although knowledge is still being passed down using the rote system, the bulk of it is kept within a small family circle. A proper teaching method and syllabus can be developed to include the history and development of nobat and the orang kalur. Classes are open to all orang kalur regardless of age and it does not matter whether these students later end up as nobat musicians or not. This way, knowledge on nobat is passed down more systematically, thoroughly and evenly among the remaining families of the orang kalur. It will also ensure that the art form is kept alive within the community and encourages competition among aspiring musicians so that only the best will serve the Sultan. It is hoped that the palace and relevant authorities would look into the matter before this art form disappears into the pages of history.
Bibliography
Durkheim, E. ([1915] 1965). The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. New York: The Free Press.
Fernando, J. S. (1996). Lagu Menghadap Rebab in the Mak Yong Theatre of Kelantan and South Thailand: An Interpretive Musical Analysis. MA Thesis, UM.
Linehan, W. (1951) The Nobat and the Orang Kalau of Perak. Journal of the Malayan Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, 24, 3 (1951), 60-68.
Matusky, P. (1993). Malaysian Shadow Play and Music: Continuity of an Oral Tradition. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press.
Merriam, A.P. (1964). The Anthropology of Music. Illinois: Northwestern University Press.
Mohd Taib Osman (1989). Malay Folk Beliefs, An Integration of Disparate Elements. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
M. Rajantheran (1999). Sejarah Melayu, Kesan Hubungan Kebudayaan Melayu dan India. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
Neuman, D.M. (1977). The Social Organization of a Music Tradition: Hereditary Specialists in North India. Ethnomusicology, Vol. 21, No. 2. (May, 1977), pp. 233-245.
Raja Noor Sheela Binti Raja Aziddin (1987). Nobat Diraja Perak Darul Ridzuan, Latihan Ilmiah, Kajian Senilukis dan Senireka, ITM.
Sheppard, M. (1983). Taman Saujana: Dance, Drama, Music, and Magic in Malaya, Long and Not-So-Long Ago. Petaling Jaya: International Book Service.
Skeat, W.W. ([1900] 2004). Malay Magic: An Introduction to the Folklore and Popular Religion of the Malay Peninsular. Kuala Lumpur: JMBRAS.
Turner, A. (1997). Cultural survival, identity and the performing arts of Kampar’s suku Petalangan. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Riau in transition 153 (1997), no: 4, Leiden.
W.G. Shellabear (1977). Sejarah Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Fajar Bakti.
Wilkinson, R. J. (Ed.) (1971). Papers on Malay Subjects. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press.
Wilkinson, R. J. (2008). Papers on Malay Subjects, Part I-IV. Charleston: BiblioLife,
Winstedt, R. O. ([1951] 1993). The Malay Magician: Being Shaman, Saiva and Sufi.
Webpages
A. Ghani Ismail (2008). Origin of the Malay and Asli. Retrieved March 28, 2009 from http://www.mycardinalpoint.blogspot.com.
Anon. (2002). Hiduism’s Online Lexicon. Retrieved March 30, 2009 from http://www.worldlibrary.net.
Naoko Terauchi (2008). World Arbiter 2009, Japanese Traditional Music. Retrieved April 8, 2009 from http://www.arbiterrecords.com.
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Raja Iskandar Bin Raja Halid
Source: http://sembangkuala.wordpress.com
[1] Sultans without their own nobat would use Kedah’s ensemble for the installation ceremony.
[2] Perak is considered to be the second oldest to Kedah.
[3] Neuman, D.M. (1977). The Social Organization of a Music Tradition: Hereditary Specialists in North India. Ethnomusicology, Vol. 21, No. 2. (May, 1977), pp. 235.
[4] Naoko Terauchi (2008). World Arbiter 2009, Japanese Traditional Music. Retrieved April 8, 2009 from http://www.arbiterrecords.com/notes/2009notes.html.
[5] Retired serunai player of the Perak nobat, now playing for the Selangor nobat, father of Azini, the present Perak serunai player.
[6] Sheppard, M. (1983). Taman Saujana: Dance, Drama, Music, and Magic in Malaya, Long and Not-So-Long Ago. Petaling Jaya: International Book Service, pp. 19.
[7] Neuman, D.M. (1977), op. cit.., pp. 237.
[8] Renowned songwriter and avid researcher of Perak royal history. He is also the grandson of Almarhum Sultan Abdul Aziz, the 31st Sultan of Perak.
[9] Wilkinson, R.J. (2008). Papers on Malay Subjects, Part I-IV. Charleston: BiblioLife, pp. 84-85.
[10] See http://www.worldlibrary.net, retrieved March 30, 2009.
[11] The premier chief of Perak and titular prime minister, post was abolished in 1959.
[12] Wilkinson, R.J. (2008), op. cit., pp. 77.
[13] Ibid., pp. 84.
[14] W.G. Shellabear (1977). Sejarah Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Fajar Bakti, pp. 18.
[15] . Rajantheran (1999). Sejarah Melayu, Kesan Hubungan Kebudayaan Melayu dan India. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, pp. 103-105.
[16] A. Ghani Ismail (2008). Origin of the Malay and Asli – Part One. Retrieved March 29 from www.mycardinalpoint.blogspot.com.
[17] W.G. Shellabear (1977), op. cit., pp. 18-19.
[18] Mohd Taib Osman (1989). Malay Folk Beliefs, An Integration of Disparate Elements. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, pp. 29.
[19] Turner, A. (1997). Cultural survival, identity and the performing arts of Kampar’s suku Petalangan. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Riau in transition 153 (1997), no: 4, Leiden, pp. 655.
[20] Ibid.
[21] A. Ghani Ismail (2008), op. cit.
[22] W.G. Shellabear (1977), op. cit., pp. 71.
[23] ‘Toh Setia Guna’ is the title given to the leader of the nobat orchestra.
[24] Durkheim, E., ([1915] 1965). The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. New York: The Free Press, pp. 311.
[25] Fernando, J. S. (1996). Lagu Menghadap Rebab in the Mak Yong Theatre of Kelantan and South Thailand: An Interpretive Musical Analysis. MA Thesis, UM, pp. 83.
[26] Anon. (2007). Drum (Musical Instrument). MSN Encarta Encyclopedia. Retrieved July 17, 2007 from http://encarta.msn.com/encnet/refpages/RefArticle.aspx?refid=761570843.
[27] Winstedt, R. O. ([1951] 1993). The Malay Magician: Being Shaman, Saiva and Sufi. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp.67-68.
[28] Well known dalang or puppet master from Kelantan, first recipient of Anugerah Seniman Negara, the country’s highest honor for an artist.
[29] Matusky, P. (1993). Malaysian Shadow Play and Music: Continuity of an Oral Tradition. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp. viii.
[30] Merriam, A.P. (1964). The Anthropology of Music. Illinois: Northwestern University Press, pp. 136
[31] Ibid., pp. 137.
[32] Wilkinson, R. J. (Ed.) (1971). Papers on Malay Subjects. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp. 39.
